Modern Hebrew Morphosyntax and Morphophonology Microworkshop
Lundi 27 mars 2023
U364 (Uni Dufour)
16h15 Itamar Kastner (Université d'Edinburgh)
Syntactic answers to morphological questions
We will develop a theory of argument structure that links alternations between forms with their morphological marking. In English, for example, break and open function both as transitive and intransitive verbs, but with other pairs there is a morphological difference (e.g.rose-raised,hung-hanged). We'll consider the general difference between subjects and objects, how it could be represented, and how it correlates with the morphology. Having established these basics, we'll move on to a more challenging system, namely that of Modern Hebrew. Here the alternations are marked morphologically on a number of possible variants, not just two. We will discuss how the theory can be extended to account for this kind of morphological system, while still keeping it restrictive. Time permitting, we can look into some tricky cases, additional morphophonological patterns, alternative analyses, or computational modelling of the system.
17h30 Noam Faust (Université Paris 8/CNRS SFL)
Phonological, morphological and morpho- syntactic aspects of imperative truncation in Modern Hebrew
Imperative mood can, but does not have to, be expressed through the truncation of the 2nd person prefix of the future form: [ti-kfoʦ] 2-jump.FUT => [kfoʦ] ‘jump.IMP'. I discuss the following claims. First, the truncated chunk is a morpheme, not just any segment. Second, this derivation should indeed be regarded as truncation, as opposed to just the stem without the prefix, because truncated imperatives can give rise to initial clusters that can only be understood as the result of truncation. Third, the possible and impossible combinations of two imperatives lead to the conclusion that truncation occurs when the verb moves the head of MoodP; but this movement is optional, and under certain circumstances it is blocked.